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“The war in Iran shows that the security of conventional routes and chokepoints with strategic significance can no longer be taken for granted,” said Wang Yiwei, a former Chinese diplomat and director of Renmin University’s Institute of International Affairs. “This forces China to develop alternative routes and more actively hedge the risks.”
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Formally timed to mark the 25th anniversary of a friendship and cooperation treaty between Russia and China, Putin’s visit follows Xi’s summit with Trump last week and gives the Russian president a chance to learn details of those discussions, according to the Kremlin.
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For Xi, it’s the second time this year he’s held back-to-back diplomacy with Trump and Putin. He spoke separately with the US president and Putin within hours of each other in calls in early February.
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Putin and Xi last met in September when the Chinese president hosted a security conference followed by a military parade in Beijing marking the anniversary of the end of World War II in Asia.
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The US has at times sought to peel Russia away from partnership with China as part of a broader geopolitical strategy linked to the war in Ukraine and potential confrontation with Beijing over Taiwan. But Putin has little incentive to turn away from Xi, even as some Kremlin officials are growing uneasy over Russia’s economic and diplomatic dependence on China.
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Trade between China and Russia stood at $228 billion in 2025, down 6.9% from the previous year, according to Chinese customs data. Putin acknowledged a decline in his call with Xi but said bilateral trade had exceeded $200 billion “by a solid margin” for three consecutive years.
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With its gas sales to European markets largely cut off over the war in Ukraine, Russia has ramped up exports to Asia. It expects to sell natural gas for several years to China at about a third less than the price paid by Europe, with annual eastbound flows forecast to reach 52.5 billion cubic meters in 2029.
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Russia currently imports more than 90% of its sanctioned technology through China, up from about 80% last year, according to European officials, who asked not to be identified discussing private assessments.
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While Beijing sees Moscow as a useful partner in weakening US dominance and advancing the so-called multipolar world order, China appears determined not to become too closely identified with the risks of Putin’s war in Ukraine — particularly as it tries to present itself globally as a force for stability.
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That balancing act helps explain apparent contradictions in China’s position. Beijing has refused to condemn Russia’s invasion, though Chinese officials continue to invoke sovereignty, territorial integrity and the authority of the United Nations — language that sits uneasily beside Moscow’s territorial demands in Ukraine.
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China wants to avoid being held responsible for using its ties with Moscow to end the war. Still, Beijing is seeking to preserve its relationship with Russia.
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An editorial on Monday in the People’s Daily, the Chinese Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, said international turbulence meant both sides should “strengthen strategic coordination and comprehensive cooperation.”
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It highlighted space research, energy, science and tech, agriculture, AI, green initiatives and biotechnology as areas of potential cooperation.
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“China’s interest in Russia is grounded in strategic advantage as Moscow offers energy security, access to critical resources and access into the Arctic,” said Vita Spivak, a consultant at Gatehouse, a UK-based geostrategy advisory firm. “But, of course, Russia needs China more than the other way round.”
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—With assistance from Rebecca Choong Wilkins and Jing Li.
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