What must be done — and NOT done — to make sure Gaza cease-fire holds

The 20 living hostages held by Hamas for two years in terror tunnels are now home with their families.

The achievement of that non-negotiable Israeli demand is an answered prayer for the hostage families and a major accomplishment for President Donald Trump.  

Unfortunately, tougher challenges loom: the return of the remaining slain hostages, cease-fire violations, the development and deployment of an International Stabilization Force in Gaza, and the disarmament of Hamas, among them.

To keep the agreement on track, secure American interests, advance Israeli security and build a better future for Palestinians, Trump must maintain a clear view of these challenges — and exercise caution when it comes to offers of assistance from Turkey and Qatar.

The 20-point Gaza peace plan requires that “all hostages, alive and deceased” be returned within 72 hours of Israel publicly accepting the agreement.

That deadline has come and gone, and the families of 13 slain hostages are still suffering and waiting for closure.

If Hamas fails to honor its commitments and return the hostages’ bodies, Israelis will be understandably furious — and Washington may struggle to hold the agreement together.

Maintaining the tenuous cease-fire is also a major challenge.

The most significant cease-fire violation so far occurred on Sunday, when terrorists (likely Hamas) opened fire on Israeli forces, killing two soldiers and wounding more.

In response, the Israeli military carried out airstrikes targeting Hamas infrastructure.

Developing and deploying the ISF, which is intended to serve as “the long-term internal security solution” in Gaza, will represent another high hurdle.

That will require well-trained and well-armed personnel in sufficient quantities, sent by governments willing to see their forces sustain casualties as they battle and kill members of Hamas and other terror groups if they refuse to disarm.

Hamas is unlikely to act like the British during their surrender at Yorktown in 1781, voluntarily putting their weapons in piles as the Americans and French stood nearby.

So what is to be done?

As a first step, Washington should not welcome foxes into the henhouse.

Many experts consider Egypt, Azerbaijan, Indonesia, and Turkey as the leading candidates to serve as troop-contributing nations for the ISF.

Egypt will certainly have to play a leading role, and Azerbaijan and Indonesia may be able to help — but Trump should think twice before welcoming a role for the Turkish military in Gaza.

After Hamas conducted the worst single-day murder of Jews since the Holocaust on Oct. 7, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan praised the terror group and hosted some of its senior figures, such as Ismail Haniyeh, Khaled Mashal, and Saleh al-Arouri.

When justice was brought to Haniyeh in Tehran in July 2024, Erdogan declared a national day of mourning and ordered flags at Turkish embassies around the world, including in Tel Aviv, to be lowered to half-staff.

Erdogan has repeatedly asserted that Hamas is not a terrorist organization.

If the goal is to dismantle Hamas, Turkey is clearly not an optimal candidate.

Qatar, for its part, pumped hundreds of millions of dollars in annual aid into Gaza before Oct. 7.

Israel hoped that money would moderate Hamas, but there is good reason to believe much of it helped fund weapons, infrastructure, and training for Hamas.

When it comes to Qatari money in Gaza and its effects, we should worry that the past will be prologue.

True, both countries have played some role as interlocutors to get to this point — but regardless of what Ankara and Doha may say, Trump would be wise not to look to leading boosters and funders of Hamas to play a constructive role in the terror organization’s dismantlement.

If those two governments say they want to help, Trump should demand that they use their Muslim Brotherhood connections to make Hamas toe the line.

They must convince Hamas to return the remains of all the murdered hostages, end all cease-fire violations, disarm, and stop their brutal attacks on other Palestinians.

If Turkey and Qatar refuse to exercise their influence in this way, Trump should make it clear that Israeli military actions against Hamas may resume — and that blame for that will rest with the terrorist organization and with its supporters in Ankara and Doha.

Achieving the release of the 20 hostages represented a long-awaited homecoming for the families and an extraordinary accomplishment for the Trump administration.

To build on that success and take advantage of this rare opportunity for Israelis and Palestinians alike, Trump should bring a healthy dose of skepticism to the table as he works toward a lasting peace.

Bradley Bowman is the senior director of the Center on Military and Political Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.