Trump’s warm welcome for white refugees was a diplomatic shot across South Africa’s bow

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa landed in Washington Monday with blood on his hands — at least that’s how many Americans see it.

Ramaphosa’s treatment of white farmers in South Africa has sparked outrage: Allegations of land seizures, killings and state-backed discrimination have drawn President Donald Trump’s ire, resulting in a February executive order ceasing all US assistance to the so-called “rainbow nation.”

Last week Trump officially banned all US support for the Group of 20 world leaders’ summit that South Africa will host later this year, while making a show of welcoming a group of 59 Afrikaner refugees.

But the farmer issue is just the opening act.

The real story, and the real threat to US national security, is what Ramaphosa’s government is doing on the global stage.

South Africa wants tariff-free trade, American investment, and expanded commercial ties — yet under the leadership of Ramaphosa’s African National Congress, it is actively aligning itself with the very regimes the United States is working to contain.

That game of two-faced diplomacy can no longer stand.

South Africa isn’t an innocent, neutral party. It is playing both sides — courting the West while deepening its ties to China, Russia and Iran.

Its leaders speak the language of nonalignment, but their actions tell a different story: They’ve welcomed Hamas and Hezbollah officials, hosted sanctioned Russian warships and worked with entities tied to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

South Africa’s second-largest telecom company, MTN, still owns nearly half of Iran’s second-largest telecom company, Irancell — a joint venture with direct links to the IRGC.

Perhaps this is why Trump’s February order specifically called out how South Africa is “reinvigorating its relations with Iran to develop commercial, military and nuclear arrangements.”

MTN’s ties to the IRGC deepened under Ramaphosa himself — he chaired the company during the period when its partnership with Irancell began to flourish.

And today, in what can only be seen as a bizarre taunt, Ramaphosa’s hand-picked special envoy to Washington is none other than MTN’s current chairman.

Taken together, these moves represent a coherent strategy by South Africa to benefit from the US-led global order while working with those who seek to upend it.

Meanwhile, Ramaphosa’s visit to Washington this week comes just as the United States has rolled out a new “commercial diplomacy strategy” for Africa, emphasizing “trade, not aid” and seeking to open doors for American firms across the continent.

On paper, South Africa should be a centerpiece of that push: Its position at the Cape of Good Hope gives it enormous naval importance as China expands its maritime footprint.

Its vast mineral reserves could support secure supply chains for US manufacturing, and its sophisticated financial sector could serve as a springboard for American investment in Africa.

But strategic opportunity cannot outweigh strategic threat.

South Africa’s conduct is not just inconsistent with American values — it’s increasingly incompatible with US national security.

Under Ramaphosa, the ANC has intensified its lawfare campaign against Israel at the International Court of Justice, ramped up efforts to diplomatically isolate Taiwan, and embraced Beijing’s narrative on global governance by joining the China-led BRICS group.

The ANC’s historical alignment with authoritarian powers is no secret — but today, it’s backed by real material support. That should concern every serious policymaker in Washington.

If Ramaphosa wants to mend ties and perhaps someday strike a deal with the United States, he must be prepared to deliver reforms.

That means rooting out ANC-linked corruption within South Africa, cutting commercial ties with the IRGC, and abandoning race-based economic policies that deter investment and encourage rent-seeking.

It also means upholding the rule of law and protecting the rights of all South Africans — including the white farmers who have Trump’s attention.

In return, the United States can offer expanded market access, deeper investment and privileged integration into its Africa commercial strategy.

But if Ramaphosa refuses to change course, Trump should not hesitate to respond.

The United States has leverage — from Global Magnitsky sanctions on corrupt ANC officials to targeted tariffs on South Africa’s auto sector, which depends heavily on the American market.

South Africa wants the benefits of the current global order while helping America’s adversaries tear it down. That must end.

When Trump meets with Ramaphosa Wednesday, he must send a clear message: The United States is ready to play ball with South Africa, but it won’t be played.

Elaine Dezenski is senior director and head of the Center on Economic and Financial Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where Max Meizlish is senior research analyst.