The Kurds deserve better — how the US can support an ally’s bid for freedom

They’ve proven themselves to be one of America’s most reliable partners in the Middle East — but the Kurdish people still have no real homeland of their own.

As Masrour Barzani, the prime minister of Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government, visits Washington this week, these friends deserve better.

Other regional actors offer rhetorical friendship, but the Kurds demonstrate theirs through action and sacrifice.

What’s more, they provide a critical bulwark against Iranian influence in a region that has been thoroughly penetrated by the Islamic Republic — including in Iraq, which has become an Iranian cat’s-paw.

Kurdish ambitions for greater autonomy are not only righteous, they align with America’s own critical interests. As secretary of state and CIA director in President Trump’s first term, I witnessed their unwavering commitment to our shared objectives firsthand.

Kurdish fighters have consistently battled America’s worst enemies — jihadist groups like ISIS, al Qaeda and others— sparing American blood and treasure.

Unlike many other partners in the region, the Kurds never engaged in anti-American terrorism, never cost American lives and never wavered in their friendship.

Their loyalty has delivered exceptional returns on a modest investment, compared to the trillions spent in other Middle Eastern conflicts.

The Kurdish regions possess substantial natural resources, positioning them for economic self-sufficiency.

The KRG alone contains an estimated 45 billion barrels of oil — roughly a third of Iraq’s total reserves — plus significant natural gas fields.

Kurdish territories also contain valuable mineral deposits, largely untapped due to political constraints.

The KRG has demonstrated effective governance despite Baghdad’s restrictions, building a functioning economy and attracting international investment.

Given economic freedom, Kurdistan would rapidly develop into a self-sufficient partner that strengthens America’s strategic position without draining our resources.

In my diplomatic engagement throughout the Middle East, I’ve seen what makes the Kurds exceptional: In a region dominated by authoritarianism and extremism, Kurdish-governed areas stand out as islands of relative tolerance and pluralism.

Kurdish communities have rejected the anti-American and antisemitic ideologies that poison much of the region.

And like Americans, they yearn for self-determination and representative government; they have no wish to become a vassal state of an American adversary.

For too long, the United States has neglected the strategic potential that would be unlocked by supporting Kurdistan — out of fear of regional repercussions and, in some cases, sheer inertia.

At this critical juncture in America’s engagement in the Middle East, we should incorporate the Kurds into our regional strategy.

First, America must forcefully counter regional efforts to undermine Kurdish self-governance. When Iran’s Revolutionary Guards launch missiles at Kurdish sites, as they did last year, Washington should respond with consequences.

No regional power should be able to operate with impunity against our partners. To successfully project American power, the US must establish and enforce red lines that protect our allies from systematic abuse.

We must also keep Kurdish regions from being economically strangled as punishment for their autonomy. Baghdad has repeatedly withheld funds and blocked oil exports — tactics encouraged by Tehran to force Kurdish submission.

Washington should leverage its substantial influence with the Iraqi government to lift export blocks. This will both allow the Kurds to thrive and increase the global oil supply, strengthening energy security.

America should respect the legitimacy of the 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, in which 93% of Iraqi Kurds chose independence.

Instead of honoring this democratic process, Baghdad (with Iran’s backing) sent tanks and militias to punish the Kurds and impose a blockade.

At that time, the United States chose to place Iraq’s artificial stability over Kurdish aspirations — a mistake we should now rectify.

Recognizing the referendum’s validity by supporting Kurdish autonomy means respecting the democratic will of a people who have earned the right to determine their future.

Finally, the United States should work with the Kurds toward a peaceful, negotiated pathway to greater autonomy and independence.

This long-term objective must be pursued through diplomatic channels to avoid triggering new conflicts, but it’s a goal worth pursuing to advance American interests in the region.

America should encourage Baghdad and Erbil to establish a legal framework for greater Kurdish sovereignty that addresses both Kurdish aspirations and Iraqi concerns.

Similarly, we should engage Turkey — which contains its own large Kurdish population — by emphasizing the strategic benefits of a more independent Kurdistan and an end to their perpetual insurgency.

In my years of service, I’ve learned that America is strongest when we stand firmly with those who share our values and consistently advance our interests.

Prime Minister Barzani should receive a strong welcome in the United States as we explore ways to jointly advance peace and prosperity.

Mike Pompeo served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, 2017-18, and secretary of state, 2018-21.