Poland’s Antisemitic Firebrand Exposes Ugly Side of Economic Boom

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“Today, Grzegorz Braun has taken on the role that Kaczynski held for 20 years — Jaroslaw Kaczynski used to set the agenda for debate and political fight, and he no longer does that,” Duma said. “Braun is the one promoting Polexit, he is the one stoking anti-Ukrainian sentiment, and he is the one effectively promoting antisemitism.”

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Braun expounds a strain of pro-Catholic, male-dominated nationalism that feeds off the fear of migration, perceived threats to sovereignty and open antisemitism. He’s tapped into frustration among the swathe of the electorate that feels left behind by Poland’s transformation from poor post-communist backwater to a country seeking G20 membership, especially in Poland’s east.

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As a Polish parliamentarian, Braun rose to prominence by opposing Covid-19 vaccinations, spreading anti-Ukrainian sentiment and calling for Poland to exit the EU. Other legal cases against him include destroying an LGBTQ display, denying the existence of Nazi gas chambers at Auschwitz and abusing a doctor who carried out a legal abortion.

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The extinguishing of the Jewish candles in 2023 made global headlines and gave Braun a bigger platform to run in the presidential race last year, where he placed fourth with 6.3% of the vote. The extinguisher became a symbol for his supporters on T-shirts and badges.

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The most recent poll put backing for his party at just above 8%. That compared with about 12% for Confederation, a far-right party seen as a potential partner for Law & Justice, which was on 22%.

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“I used to support Confederation, but when they became too politically correct, I felt that it’s Braun with whom I identify the most,” said Piotr, a 37-year-old salesman. “And to be clear, I don’t support him in everything he says. He puts too much stress on Catholicism and I think that we’re not ready to leave the EU yet.”

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While a member of the European Parliament since 2024, Braun and his party play up their anti-establishment credentials.

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Piotr was attending the Uncensored Book Fair last month at a restaurant in Kielce, a city of 175,000 people south of Warsaw. The small event only had about 10 stands, but they displayed books by Braun and other authors, including conspiracy theories about Jewish influence.

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Another visitor said Braun’s popularity comes from the fact that he talks about things of which others are afraid to speak, such as Poland’s “servility” to Ukraine as its neighbor fights against Russia’s invasion.

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“No community center would ever agree to host the kind of fair we’re here for today,” Michal Gwadera, the regional chief for Braun’s party, said when asked about the event. “They refuse to rent us their halls. We have to rely on private venues because they view our movement as fascist and antisemitic. Which is, of course, untrue and utter nonsense.”

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Support for Ukraine has turned into a divisive electoral issue across the region. In Hungary, the pro-Russian Orban portrayed President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as the bogeyman during his unsuccessful campaign to extend his 16 years in power. Slovakia, too, has opposed aid to Kyiv and Prime Minister Robert Fico has forged closer links with Moscow.

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Cozying up to the Kremlin, though, has been a political red line in Poland, and even more so since Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion in February 2022. Yet Braun has chosen some openly pro-Russian politicians to represent his party in next year’s vote. One remains on trial accused of spying for Russia, something he denies.  

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“Braun was already promoting the slogan ‘Stop the Ukrainization of Poland’ in the summer of 2022 and then it became his trademark,” said Rafal Pankowski, a sociologist and head of the Never Again Association that monitors the far right and hate crimes. “But he didn’t dare, and his Confederation didn’t at that time, say they were openly pro-Putin. That’s changing this year for Braun’s group.”