German Far Right Seeks Breakthrough in Vote in Merz’s Home State

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The retiree, who recently joined the party, became convinced after reading its program and losing faith in the political establishment, who he said doesn’t take voters seriously. “I don’t want to be patronized,” Binsfeld said on his way to get refreshments in the castle courtyard.

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“The withdrawal is not a spontaneous whim, but actually a loss of trust,” said Silke Borgstedt, managing director of the Sinus Institute, a market research firm. These voters don’t necessarily believe the AfD can solve problems, but “the AfD creates the feeling that people are seen — at least in their frustration.”

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Despite its growing support in NRW, there’s been criticism from within the AfD over its relatively moderate campaign, including downplaying more radical policies like “remigration” — a euphemism for deporting foreigners. 

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The formula from party chapters in eastern states — where three of five have been classified as right-wing extremist by Germany’s domestic intelligence agency — can’t simply be transferred, said Vincentz, a 39-year-old medical doctor. He noted that western voters have stronger party loyalties that date back for generations, but no longer feel represented. 

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“We take on the hot-button issues — and we will continue to do so until we are heard,” he told supporters. “That’s why we’re being attacked.”

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The far-right party is growing in places like Düren. The town of 90,000 people about 50 kilometers (30 miles) west of Cologne has been destablilized by the planned closure of nearby lignite mines, which for decades provided cheap energy for local paper mills. People across Germany’s Rust Belt might still be relatively well-off, but fears of declining living standards from technological disruption are mounting.

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These are the people who Finance Minister and SPD co-leader Lars Klingbeil wants to win back. He wants them to feel the government is “taking care of them,” that their jobs are secure and that broken roads and schools will be repaired, he said. 

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“Some are looking for an anchor, a way to make things calm again, to restore reliability in everyday life,” Klingbeil said this month at a media event in NRW’s state capital Dusseldorf. 

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The government’s response includes a €500 billion ($580 billion) infrastructure fund to offset decades of underinvestment, but it will likely take years before the projects have positive a impact on people’s lives. 

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The urgency to fight the AfD isn’t the same everywhere. That includes places like Merz’s hometown of Brilon, a village of 25,000 in the forested hills of NRW’s Sauerland region. 

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“Here, everything is still right with the world,” said Werner Blüggel, sitting on a park bench on a sunny weekend morning as families and retirees strolled through cobblestone alleys with well-preserved half-timbered houses. In one of the historic homes near the main square, Merz was born and raised.

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There are of course reasons why people vote for the far right, acknowledged Blüggel, the former owner of a local metals business. “But the AfD just shouts, it has no program,” he said.

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The relative harmony in Brilon provides little room for the AfD, which hasn’t even fielded a candidate there, according to Mayor Christof Bartsch from the Social Democrats. Most decisions in the city council are unanimous, including suspending campaigning this weekend to avoid disrupting the annual old-town festival, he said.